Paris Perspective #11: The politics of language in France - James Costa
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Speaking a regional tongue in French classrooms used to be met with aggressive punishment. Now, with their languages teetering on extinction following centuries of neglect, speakers of Breton, Basque, Occitan and others are pushing for state recognition. As Paris Perspective discovers, it has long been a thorny subject.
Following the French Revolution in 1789, a survey found that only 11 percent of the country's population – 3 million people – were "pure French speakers". Even fewer were able to write the language properly.
When free education was rolled out in the 1880s, the only language tolerated in schools was French. In the century that followed, little changed.
"For the linguistic unity of France, the Breton language must disappear,” an education minister warned in 1925 – while schools in 1950s Brittany displayed stern warnings such as "No spitting on the ground or speaking Breton".
Then president Georges Pompidou was unequivocal when he said in 1972: "There is no place for minority languages in a France that is destined to make its mark on Europe.”
Push for change
Fast forward to 2021, and the tide is finally turning as efforts to protect and even promote regional languages gain momentum.
In April, the French National Assembly approved the "Molac law" – named after Breton lawmaker Paul Molac, who has championed the cause of state recognition for minority languages struggling to survive.
Opposed by French Education Minister Jean-Michel Blanquer and President Emmanuel Macron's governing LReM party, the law would allow schools to teach in a minority language for the majority of the school day.
Those against the legislation argue that because all citizens of France are ultimately French, no minority ethnolinguistic group should be allowed to have extra rights. An idea stemming from 1789.
Under the monarchy that ruled France before the Revolution, many distinguishable groups were afforded special rights and privileges in their regions.
Enlightened post-revolution French speakers wanted that to change. They also felt that regional languages and dialects were a way of keeping the peasant classes uneducated and ignorant.
“What was important to people back then was religion, not language," explains James Costa, a professor specialising in linguistic anthropology at the Sorbonne University.
"When their languages were outlawed after 1794, not a lot of people complained. No one saw language as something that needed to be defended. Languages at the time were not in a minority; they were 'minoritised' over time.”
The French Revolution and the Distrust of Words
Critics of the Molac law say it will further strain an already over-stretched education budget. They also argue it will hinder the teaching of international languages such as English and Spanish.
For now, at least, it's a moot point because France lacks the resources to establish a proper minority language curriculum. What the law does, says Costa, is make it legal to implement.
"The legislation is not imposing anything; it's just making it possible,” he says.
Fears of secession
In the 1970s, Europe witnessed a rise in regionalist movements – in Ireland, Scotland and Brittany – along with a rekindled folk scene that fostered its own separatist sentiments.
Meanwhile south of the Pyrenees, Spanish dictator Francisco Franco was actively working to stamp out the Catalan and Basque languages.
This type of regionalism is frowned upon in France, where the central government has remained careful to protect the integrity of the state.
"There is this fear that the nation will implode if regional languages are spoken," Costa explains, adding that diversity – whether it's linguistic, religious or cultural – is discouraged.
"Anything that is perceived to be different from the dominant culture is seen as a threat.”
Forty-five years of democracy in Spain has brought about regional autonomy and a linguistic renaissance, along with independence movements in the Basque Country – and a push for secession in Catalonia.
Are French lawmakers right to keep a lid on regional linguistic and cultural identities, for fear of it gathering traction as it has south of the border?
“That’s a very French perspective," says Costa.
"If you look at how separatism developed in Catalonia or Scotland, for that matter, it has very little to do with cultural rights. It is because the political centres ignored the political peripheries."
Too little, too late?
Even in countries such as Ireland - where both Irish and English share equal status as national languages - the minority Irish language is struggling to survive. This is despite educational support, government grants and dedicated TV and radio channels broadcasting in Irish.
Over in Britain, where Scots Gaelic and Welsh have dedicated broadcasts and are taught in schools, the languages remain very much the preserve of native speakers who endeavour to keep their linguistic and cultural heritage alive.
To promote the Breton language in France, TV Breizh was established in the early 2000s. However by 2010 the channel was mainly broadcasting in French, before it was eventually dropped.
Even if the attitude of the French State towards minority languages is taking a more favourable view of linguistic diversity by voting in favour of April’s ‘Molac Law’ it would appear to be too little too late to save them from obscurity.
Costa underlines that a separate case has to be made for each language in metropolitan France: “There is a big difference between Basque and Occitan; between Alsatian and Corsican; between Breton and Corsican. Corsican is still very much spoken,” says Costa. A situation which begs the question: Which of the regional languages of France is the least endangered?
“How do you measure success?” he remarks. “Basque is still very strong. The proportion of children who attend Basque-medium education is higher in France than in Spain.
“Catalan, on the other hand, is surprisingly very weak in French parts of Catalonia. You would think that with support from the south, it would be strong, but it isn't.”
And there have been economic losses that come with the dwindling use of regional languages, especially when it comes to the decline of Alsatian, where speakers used to benefit from the links to German-speaking neighbours.
“The fact that fewer people speak Alsatian is detrimental to employment because people used to go to work in Switzerland or Germany, so they're losing out on opportunities,” Costa adds.
Breton and Occitan, however, are separate cases because they are not spoken anywhere else. They're not cross-border languages.
The fight to preserve French
Another priority for the French State has been the preservation and propagation of the French language – the language of international diplomacy and human rights – while warding off the unwelcome encroachment of English – the global lingua franca – that threatens the integrity of la langue de Voltaire.
With the foundation of the infamous Académie Française in 1635 to oversee the grammar, vocabulary and usage of French, the country has been waging a war on two fronts.
The Académie’s prime directive of late has been to prevent the anglicisation of the French language and has been instrumental in the homogenisation of spoken French.
Has the fight to preserve the French language been detrimental to minority languages and regional dialects?
“The French language is a very strange beast,” Costa remarks. “It was never meant to be spoken by the masses. And this is something that the French Academy has trouble with.
“First of all, the elites in Paris complained that people in the countryside did not speak it. And when people across the country did speak it by the 1950s, they complained they were not speaking it correctly because they had a regional accent. Basically, you can never get it right.”
Costa continues that the Académie Française was suspended during the 1789 Revolution and asserts “that was a very good thing”.
It should have stopped there.
To this day it is rare to hear any great divergence from Parisian French or the Parisian accent when tuning-in to national television or radio stations.
“It’s interesting that you didn't mention the fact that the Prime Minister has a southern accent!” he exclaims.
When Prime Minister Jean Castex was named by President Emmanuel Macron to lead the French government last year, many in France remarked upon the south-western twang in his accent, rather than his political acumen.
It has been noted that this formerly obscure French politician, who rose to prominence in July 2020 to steer the country through the Covid minefield, has adopted a more Parisian style of speech over the past 10 months.
2022 elections and identity politics
As France gears up for the presidential election in 2022, French voters are bracing for a campaign that will be fought on the lines of identity politics and regional concerns - issues that came to the fore with the Yellow Vest movement in 2018 and 2019, but were shelved due to the coronavirus pandemic.
In view of the popular secessionist movement in Spanish Catalonia, is it possible that regional linguistic and cultural identity could be appropriated to influence the electorate by appealing to more emotive sentiments among proponents of minority languages and heritage?
Again, Costa believes it’s more complicated than it appears: “It might be brought up in the Basque Country. It will certainly be of importance in Corsica where there is a demand for equal status [between French and Corsican]. That’s a demand that has systematically been rejected by the French government - that is definitely an issue."
On a region-by-region level, France has dissolved culturally divergent territories into generic political blocs.
“Look at Alsace,” Costa explains. “Alsace no longer exists as a region, it is now drowned into this Grand Est – a greater eastern region. It will be difficult to articulate claims about language there.
“It's also interesting when the new regions were carved out in 2015 and 2016, they brought back Occitania. That’s not very positive for the future of the [Occitan] language, if the French state thinks it’s benign enough to allow it reuse its name,” he laments: “Identity has moved on to religious issues.”
When it comes to the politics of linguistics and identity, the upcoming election will be a battle for the soul of the French Republic, founded on secularism and equality – two loaded ideals that are ripe to be exploited and manipulated by candidates.
Religious issues have always been the fabric of conflict within the French Republic - Secularism being used as a proxy to debate diversity versus conformity.
“This has been the constant obsession among the ruling class in this country,” Costa concludes. So is any form of diversity looked upon as a threat of secession? “Absolutely”.
Written, produced & presented by David Coffey
Recorded, mixed & edited by Vincent Pora
Full Interview - The Politics of Language - James Costa
James Costa is an associate professor at the Sorbonne University sepcialising in linguistic anthropolgy, Occitan, Scots Gaelic and minority languages.
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